Historical origins in Southeast Asia
The South China Sea area has to start with the Southeast Asian pattern that was long ago. At that time, the entire region basically fell into the pockets of European powers. At the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries, France packaged Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia into Indochina territory, Britain annexed Myanmar as a province in India, Malaysia, Brunei and Singapore became British Strait colonies, the Netherlands controlled Indonesia, and Portugal occupied East Timor.
The Philippines, the history of this place is a colonial account book, which was targeted by Spain since the 16th century. In 1521, Magellan's fleet arrived there first, and then the Spanish gradually eroded it. In 1565, Manila was officially built as a stronghold, slowly conquering the surrounding areas of Luzon, and at the same time destroyed the ancient Sulu Kingdom. By the mid-19th century, even Mindanao was taken into account.
In that era, the Philippines was not an independent country at all, it was called the Philippine colony of Spain, and its name also originated from the Spanish King Philip II. In the Spanish-American War in 1898, the United States defeated Spain and took over the Philippines, and it was not until after World War II that it was independent in 1946.
What formal entities were there on this land before? That is, local regimes like the Sulu Kingdom and the Luzon Kingdom. The Sulu Kingdom has had contacts with China since the 15th century. In 1417, King Paduka Pahara, led a team to visit the Ming Dynasty. He passed away on the way and was buried in Dezhou, Shandong. The tomb is still there.
During the Qianlong period of the 18th century, Sulu King Baduge Bakra went to Beijing again and proposed to devote his territory to the Qing Dynasty. Qianlong did not agree and only maintained the vassal relationship. During the entire Southeast Asian colonial period, Chinese fishermen have been active in the South China Sea, fishing and collecting, and there have been records since the Han Dynasty. The islands of the Nansha and Xisha were long discovered and named by the Chinese and included in the territory. The Guangdong Navy of the Qing Dynasty was also responsible for patrols.
The Philippines was still struggling in the colonial chain at that time, and there was no time to control the sovereignty of the South China Sea islands. Under the rule of Spain and the United States, the locals were busy resisting and the independence movement was in turmoil, but the islands and reefs in the South China Sea never appeared in their claims. As a colonial and patchwork country, the Philippines began to intervene in the South China Sea after independence in 1946, but its foundation is shallow and lacks continuous historical evidence.
In contrast, China, from ancient maps to actual activities, shows that the South China Sea islands are China's inherent territory. After World War II, according to the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam announcement, Japan gave up the South China Sea islands, China recaptured the Xisha Nansha, and sent a fleet to accept it. This matter is internationally recognized. The colonial history of Southeast Asia tells us that sovereignty is not enough for anyone to shout, it depends on who comes first and who will take care of it for a long time. China stands firmly on this point.
Analysis of international law in archives
Open the old archives of Britain and France, and you will find that those diplomatic advisers repeatedly weighed the sovereignty of the South China Sea more than a hundred years ago. According to the international law standards at that time, the conclusions reached were consistent: the Nansha Islands and the Xisha Islands belong to China, and the Philippines has no sovereignty claims at all.
The British Foreign Ministry’s 1974 memorandum was clearly written. The Nansha belongs to China, and the Xisha is the same. French historical archives also record similar views. Their legal adviser Badwan suggested in the 1930s that the Paracel Islands belong to China because the Vietnamese border documents do not include those islands and reefs.
British scholar Anthony Carty spent more than ten years checking the national archives of Britain, France and the United States since the end of the 19th century. The book "History and Sovereignty of the South China Sea" concluded that the long-term position of the British and French officials is that the South China Sea islands are Chinese territory.
Why do you say so? Because international law talks about discovery, possession and continuous jurisdiction, China has discovered these islands since the Han Dynasty. It was under the jurisdiction of the Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties. Fishermen settled there, government patrols, and maps were marked. During the discussion, British and French consultants quoted early expedition records, and the Chinese had been active on the island to build temporary residences to collect resources.
In the 1930s, France tried to occupy the nine islands in the Nansha Islands, and soldiers went to plant the flag, but the consultant later determined that it was invalid and failed to establish stable sovereignty. Japan's occupation of the Nansha in 1939 was also regarded as illegal because it had China's sovereignty before. In 1951 after the war, Japan gave up its jurisdiction and the island returned to China.
In the British archives, China recognized China's sovereignty over the Paracel Islands in 1931, and France occupied nine small islands in 1932. China protested, and French consultants checked the map and gave in. The Philippines' claims on the South China Sea islands were not seen in the archives of the United States, Britain and France, because the Philippines was still a Spanish or American colony at that time and had no independent status to make territorial claims.
After the Philippines' independence, it occupied Taiping Island in 1951 and strengthened its activities in the 1970s, but these actions have no historical archives endorsement. Based on the principles of international law, British and French consultants determine that China's rights and interests are indisputable, such as preoccupation and effective control. The Philippines’ claim is based on the so-called geographical proximity or new discoveries, but international law does not recognize this. The Philippines’ map has long since not included the Nansha and Xisha.
Kati's book emphasizes that the Philippines has no credible claims about the Nansha. The British and French archives have repeatedly discussed this conclusion. From the 1920s to the 1970s, British official archives confirmed that the Paracel Shah belonged to China, and in the 1970s archives showed that the same was true for the Southern Shah.
Although France's Beryan wanted to make demands on the Paracel Islands, he finally recognized China's sovereignty. The entire archives have been proven to be clearly analyzed by international law. China's sovereignty is not blown up, but is supported by history and legal principles. If the Philippines wants to turn the tables, it has to come up with evidence that is stronger than the British and French archives, but unfortunately there is no.
Real game China's strong rights and interests
Now the South China Sea is in constant turmoil, and the Philippines has repeatedly challenged troubles, but after the game of reality, China's rights and interests are tenable. After the Philippines' independence in 1946, it began to make claims on some islands and reefs in the South China Sea. In 1956, China's self-defense counterattack in the Xisha Islands in 1974, and China's self-defense counterattack in the Xisha Islands and regained the islands, and in 1988, the Nansha Islands Battle in 1988, safeguarded its rights and interests. The Philippines filed arbitration in 2013, and the ruling was issued in 2016, but China did not accept it because it violated historical facts and international law, and China insisted on resolving it through negotiations.
The Philippines strengthens cooperation with the United States and joint military exercises, but small countries are prone to falling into the game of big countries. As a country with a long history, China's rights and interests in the South China Sea have both possessive facts and legal basis. Fishermen have worked there for generations and naval cruises are maintained. The Philippines's proposal ignores its own colonial origins. The country's history is less than a hundred years old, so it is indeed difficult to talk about sovereignty. The tomb of King Sulu is in Texas, recording the historical entanglement between China and the Philippines. China is the suzerain country of Sulu, and the Philippines has to consider this matter.
In recent years, Philippine ships have been stranded on Renai Reef, and China's Coast Guard has surveillance and conflicts have occurred frequently, but China restrains handling and insists on peace. British and French archives support China's position, but the Philippines is unable to gain a foothold. The Philippines will strengthen patrols in 2023, and China's island and reef construction will be promoted in 2024. Reality tells us that sovereignty is not caused by trouble, it depends on strength and reason.
China's strength has risen, and the ancient civilization has a profound heritage, and it cannot beat reasonableness. A small country recognizes the situation and don’t be someone else’s thug, otherwise it will be doomed. China's firm rights and interests in the South China Sea are not expansion, but safeguarding historical justice. If the Philippines wants to fight, it has to think about the consequences. Peace in the South China Sea depends on everyone. China is willing to negotiate, but the bottom line remains unshakable. In the entire real game, China's rights and interests are as solid as rocks, and the Philippines' unfounded claims will ultimately be difficult to become a climate.
The South China Sea dispute is complicated, but the core is that China's sovereignty cannot be violated. The Philippines promotes internationalization, but the British and French archives have long been concluded, the intervention of the United States and Japan has intensified tensions, and China has made steady progress. Looking to the future, peaceful development is the mainstream, and China proposes codes of conduct in the South China Sea to promote cooperation. The Philippines needs to examine the strength comparison and not be involved in the game of a big country. With history and reality intertwined, China's rights and interests can stand the test, and everyone knows this.
